Aspects of Kentish Local
History
|
Otford & District Archaeological Group (ODAG)
The
Romano-British Cremation Cemetery at Frog Farm, Otford, Kent, in the context
of contemporary funerary practices in South-East England by Clifford P. Ward
1990
Romano-British Funerary
Practices in the 1st and 2nd Centuries A.D.
Hominem mortuum in urbe ne
sepelito neve uxito
Thou shalt not bury or burn a dead man within a city -
regulation of the Twelve Tables reinacted by
Antoninus Pius (138 - 161).
As a result of the
regulation of the Twelve Tables the vast majority of citizens of the Roman
Empire were buried outside the settlements to which they belonged, often grouped
along the roads leading from them, where their monuments would recall the dead
to the minds of the living (Collingwood & Richmond 1969). The grandiose tombs of
the environs of Rome were paralleled in many towns and cities of the Empire, and
on a reduced scale in the vicinity of lesser settlements throughout the Roman
World, including Britain. In this tradition, a cemetery was established on the
ancient road which runs along the lower slopes of the North Downs, now known as
the Pilgrims Way, some 300 yards (275 metres) east-south-east of a
Romano-British settlement, and 1250 yards (1150 metres) from the nearest
definitely located Roman Villa, east of the River Darent, with another 500 yards
(450 metres) postulated to the south. The settlement flourished throughout the
Roman period, and may well have acted as a market for the surrounding rural
area, without developing into a town, the inference being that administration
was carried out from the town of Durobrivae (Rochester) some sixteen miles
distant along the Pilgrims Way (Rivet 1964). It is likely that Otford
supplemented the other minor settlements in the vicinity as a distribution
centre as well as acting as a minor centre for iron-working (Pyke forthcoming)
and pottery production of Patchgrove wares (Breen 1987). There appears to have been a fundamental difference in attitude towards the
after-life between the Romans and Celts, the former looking without much
enthusiasm on the prospect, at least until the 2nd. century A.D., with 'sit tibi
terra levis’ (let the earth lie lightly upon you) being the recurrent theme. An
equally pessimistic epitaph on a Wroxeter tombstone
proclaimed, "drink while your star gives you time for life", and that on a
memorial stone to a thirteen year-old York girl refers to 'the meagre ashes and
the shade, empty semblance of the body seeking the manes who dwell in Acheron,
the river of woe (Henig 1984). The care shown by the Romans in their burial practices was to ensure that the
requisite minimum covering of earth prevented the deceased from haunting the
living, the fear of ghosts being to the forefront of men's minds (MacDonald
1977). Toynbee considered that the denials of survival of the Epicurean and
Stoic systems were not universally accepted by the Roman people, and that human
life was not invariably regarded as merely "an interlude of being between
nothingness and nothingness", there being some conviction of a continuing soul
whereby the living and dead can affect each other mutually. This more optimistic
approach gained momentum from the spread of eastern-cults, with the ultimate
belief in the resurrection of the body inspired by Christianity, which found
official favour in the early fourth century (Toynbee 1971). The Celts on the other hand, had a long-held "strong belief in a positive and
tangible afterlife where the accoutrements of earthly life will be required and
the terrestrial status retained" (Green 1986). The Roman last rites in the Republican period comprised both inhumation and
cremation (Toynbee 1971), but from the early Imperial age that of cremation
became almost exclusively used, until a growing belief in the survival of the
body pervaded pagan belief, closely followed by Christianity which gained
credence throughout the Empire, especially after the official toleration,
granted by Constantine in the Edict of Milan in A.D.313 (Somerset Fry 1984). In the pre-conquest Iron Age in Britain, there was doubtless ceremony
attendant on death, as in the preceding Bronze and Stone ages, but,
comparatively little tangible evidence remains. Caesar comments in Book VI of de
bello Gallico on the opulence surrounding Gallic aristocratic funerary rites,
but makes no reference to ultimate disposal of the remains. Of course, regional
and or religious belief variation may have occurred to some degree, but it is
likely that, in a tribal society as Iron Age Britain, uniformity would be found
within the tribal spheres of influence, and it is likely that many of the ruling
aristocracies had links in a common ancestry; their religious beliefs are likely
to have been maintained, although the requirements of social custom may have
been as strong a factor at the time in regulating the funerary rites (Henig
1984), while the act of passing into the After-world, an occurrence familiar to
everyone involved in communal life, must have had considerable influence on the
thought-processes and superstitions of the community (Kendall 1982). Darvill
identified a Core Zone, comprising the lower Thames valley, including Kent,
Surrey, Sussex, London, Essex, Hertfordshire, and parts of Buckinghamshire and
north Hampshire which by the mid-1st century B.C. enjoyed a superior economy and
close links with the continent, and, in common with the rest of the area, in
Kent cremation seems to have been fairly well-established from c. 40 B.C. (Darvill
1987) where cremation cemeteries, although not exclusive, are ubiquitous in
utilising small pits to hold ashes placed in urns. These are known from their
type-sites of Aylesford and Swarling. Often the ashes were placed in wooden
buckets, accompanied by rich grave goods. Other graves contained from many to
few, or no, grave goods, and are considered to be of Belgic tradition. There is a discernible trend in the later Iron Age towards inhumation in
Sussex, which, separated by the relatively uninhabited Weald, could develop a
separate non-Belgic tradition (Bedwin 1978). The development of the wealden iron
industry in the Roman period has not to date provided any tangible evidence of
burial rites (Money 1990), but cremation seems to have been current in the
earlier phase of Roman Chichester (Down 1978). Recent researches indicate that there was a major development towards a more
settled form of land-ownership in the late pre-Roman Iron Age in lowland
Britain, and that the Roman Conquest accelerated rather than initiated the
process (Salway 1988), it being generally accepted that there was a considerable
increase in the numbers of country dwellers in the Roman period (Bird 1987).
Investigations suggest that in Iron Age society only a minute proportion of the
population was accorded burial rites, probably the elite (Green 1986), but after
the conquest it appears that both high and low were afforded burial or
cremation, though with differing elaboration. The imposition of Roman rule in the south of England in A.D.43 probably had
little impact on the everyday lives of the ordinary people, and beyond the final
crushing of the British druidic theocracy in Anglesey in A.D.60 by Suetonius
Paullinus (Frere 1973) possibly in response to its human sacrificial practices,
barbaric, even by Roman standards, or, as hinted by Pliny the elder, through
their morale-lowering gloomy prophesies (Somerset Fry 1984), their religious
beliefs were probably allowed to continue unhindered, with a gradual syncretism
of Roman and Celtic dieties (Clayton 1980). The part played by the Druids in
Celtic society is still unclear, as their ritual and theology was unwritten, but
they probably were socially, rather than politically, very powerful. They appear
to have had their origins in Britain, and after the Anglesey rout they do not
reappear in Roman Britain. However, they were active in the Gaulish uprising of
A.D. 69-70, and druidic prophesies against the emperors are recorded in the
third century. They also continued to wield influence in Ireland as magicians
and soothsayers. The Roman authorities were in the main extremely tolerant towards foreign
religions, provided they were not redolent of political conspiracy or repugnant
rites, and they tended to conflate local deities with the Roman pantheon (Salway
1988). Hence as a funerary rite cremation continued to be practised in a more or
less traditional manner, and first and second century A.D. examples abound in
districts where settlement was effected or continued. With a few notable exceptions e.g. St. Pancras, Chichester, and Lankhills,
Winchester, relatively few cremation cemeteries have been excavated using modern
techniques, and no direct parallels to Otford have been traced. That at Ospringe,
which served a still unlocated but substantial nearby settlement, bears many
similarities, although it is considerably larger and has inhumations as well as
cremations (Whiting et al 1931). Some cemeteries were discovered long before
adequate recording techniques were invented, and tantalising glimpses alone
remain as of "a Roman cemetery discovered upon East Hill, near Dartford
A.D.1792, in which have been found great numbers of urns, intermingled with
stone and wood coffins, lachrymatories etc. together with the square pits in
which the bodies were burned" (Dunkin 1844). Also near Dartford, another
depressing note records that at new gravel pits at Joyce Green, "workmen found
several Roman urn burials of the ordinary kind, consisting of small groups of
urns here and there" (Payne 1897). Other opportunities have been lost even recently, such as the presumed
cremation cemetery adjacent to Canterbury Castle where there were "vague reports
of further cremations" seen during construction at the Gas Works in the 1950s
(Bennett et al 1982). A number of deep shaft graves of Iron Age date from South-East England
suggest a multiple, possibly family, use, and shaft burials continue into the
Roman period. There is much speculation as to the religious significance of
these shafts, many of which are classed as 'ritual pits', apparently linking the
world of the living with the underworld, and suggestive of propitiation of
chthonic deities. These are predominantly, but not wholly, found in areas of
Belgic influence, and some, such as South Cadbury, where a young man was buried
head-down in a pit associated with alterations to the Iron Age defences, suggest
a dedicatory sacrifice (L. Alcock 1972). An extremely well-constructed rectangular oak shaft, 12ft. in depth was
discovered during railway building at Bekesbourne Hill, near Canterbury, in 1858
at a depth of 13ft. below the modern ground level. It was built of nicely
mortised and tied oak baulks and had an internal diameter of 3ft. 3ins. (l
metre). At the bottom was a large (?) quern stone on which was placed a circle
of horse teeth. Above this were five urns apparently covered with fabric. These
in turn were covered by a layer of flints on which stood a further urn again
covered by flints. The urns almost certainly contained cremated bones. The
structure was roofed with more oak beams and was in remarkably good condition,
but was destroyed largely due to the efforts of treasure-seeking navvies (Brent
1859). A recently discovered shaft at Deal, Kent, contained a chalk figurine
comprising a 'Celtic' head surmounting a dressed block. Associated pottery dates
this to the first or second century A.D. and this is a pointer to the idea of
communication with the underworld powers (Green 1986). Many shafts contained
animal bones, especially of dogs, sometimes with human remains, and the 225ft.
deep well at Findon, Sussex, contained inter alia the remains of a horse
(personal observation). So-called ritual shafts in or near cemeteries in
South-eastern England with rich assemblages of pottery, animal bones and other
artefacts, but without human remains, taken as depositories for offerings, have
been found (Black 1987). At Keston, Kent, a shaft l6ft. deep and 11ft, wide was excavated and found to
contain cremated remains of two dogs together with pottery described as
indeterminate but tentatively ascribed to the 3rd.-4th. Century A.D. (Piercy Fox
1968, Jessup 1970 ), while a well at Staines, Middx., contained parts of no
fewer than 17 dog skeletons (Bird 1987). Graves, as such, from the Iron Age are very uncommon, and it appears that if
dug, they were so shallow as not to have survived later disturbances of the
ground. A further possibility is that there was some form of above-ground burial
chamber or charnal house, where bodies were either exposed, or, more likely,
laid to rest in wooden structures for at least a limited period of time (Black
1987). The ubiquity of the so-called 'four post' structures in Iron Age
settlement sites gives weight to such a hypothesis, and the use by the Maoris of
New Zealand of such four-post bases for cantilevered rectangular storage huts
illustrates the practicality of such (personal observation). This would allow the veneration of ancestors by the living, a likely attitude
among people who are believed to have placed great store on qualities which
could be inherited, even from enemies vanquished in battle, through exposure of
severed heads in their dwellings (Delaney 1986). The eventual disposal of the
skeletons seems to have been of lesser consequence, as disarticulated bones have
been recovered from rubbish pits (L&R Adkins 1983). Attempts have been made to identify specifically Roman military cemeteries
but this has been largely unsuccessful despite the considerable number of
military tombstones known especially from northern Britain, leading to the
conclusion that after the conquest the soldiery played a part in developing
local community traditions. The early garrisons followed their own ethnic or
Roman customs, but gradually the military and civilian traditions mingled and
‘the early Roman style of cremation burial, usually in a pot with an assortment
of Romanised goods as grave furnishings, became general for most of the
Romanised population’ (Jones 1984). It has been established that at a number of sites in Southern England
cremation was practised on a fairly large scale, with structures identified as
collective crematoria, as at Colchester, Essex, (Hull 1958), and outside
Verulamium (Davey 1935), where confined areas of burning some 1.8/2.4m by
0.7/0.9m (5ft. 10ins/6ft. l0ins. by 2ft 3ins./3ft.) in extent, suitable in size
for cremation of a body, were located within cemeteries. Toynbee, quoting Roman
authors, postulates that the cremation took place either at the place of burial,
or at a special crematorium. The wood-pyre was rectangular and the body placed
upon it with opened eyes. Various gifts and possessions were added, and
sometimes even pet animals were killed as companions to the afterlife. After the
mourners had called the deceased by name a final time, the pyre was kindled with
torches. The ashes were ultimately drenched with wine, and the ashes and bones
were subsequently collected by the relatives and placed within receptacles which
varied with the wealth of the family from marble ash-chests or caskets, precious
metal vases, to lead, glass or earthenware vessels (Toynbee 1971). It has been suggested that wine may have had some particular significance in
the funerary ritual, and many burials containing amphorae have been found in
Roman and pre-Roman graves and that the presence of wine may have transcended
ostentation or refreshment of the deceased (Salway 1988). At Otford, 36% of the
graves contained flagons or bottles, had cups, while 17½% had both (see below). After the funeral, relatives underwent a purification rite by fire and water,
cleansing ceremonies were held at the deceased's house and a funerary feast was
held at the grave in honour of the dead. Later, offerings were made at the grave
including a libation to the Manes, and throughout the year funerary meals were
partaken as at the deceased's birthday and festivals of the dead (Toynbee 1971). As Alcock observes 'the surviving evidence, in fact, suggests that in Britain
the toleration which Romans showed towards religious beliefs extended equally to
rites relating to the formal disposal of the dead. Celtic religious ideas are
seen to continue throughout the Roman period even after the adoption of
Christianity, and personal choice was permitted in both religious and burial
practices (Alcock 1980). Thus Southern Britain rapidly settled down to Roman
rule, and rural dwellers undoubtedly continued to live in much the same way as
hitherto, with a nominal respect for Rome's gods and the 'dull divinised
emperors', whilst perpetuating their veneration for the old proven gods of their
own tradition (Ross 1967). The tradition of cremation apparently gained popularity to the point of
virtual exclusivity in the first century A.D., and remained predominant in
Britain until the 3rd century. The earliest recorded Romano-British inhumation
cemetery identified so far was found at Chester, dated to the second half of the
2nd century being closed c 200 A.D. (Collingwood & Richmond 1969). A further possible reason for the changes from cremation to inhumation, or
vice versa, is cultural rather than religious, as when, within the last 100
years, British funerary practices have changed from 100% inhumation to 50%
cremation (Drewitt 1988). The polytheism of the Roman Empire developed through absorption of the
religious beliefs of the many peoples who were incorporated into it. With the
notable exceptions of Druidism, Judaism and Christianity, it appears to have
tolerated most of the religions it encountered, and in many instances linked the
local gods with the Roman pantheon, the interpretatio Romana, thus, Jupiter, the
chief Roman god, was linked with the Greek Zeus, and Juno the chief Roman
goddess, was linked with her Greek counterpart Hera. In Britain, inscriptions have linked Minerva with the Celtic goddess Sul (Sulis)
at the Bath geothermal springs, also with the Brigantian tribal goddess
Brigantia, and Mars with Medocuis, apparently an East Anglian British deity,
(Somerset Fry 1984), elsewhere the equation appears as Mars Lenus, and Mars
Anextiomarus (Frere 1973), and numerous other correlations have been identified. In addition to the indigenous Celtic religions, mystical eastern religions
were transmitted throughout the empire by military personnel, traders and
possibly slaves, which are represented in Britain as in other provinces by
temples and altars, statuary and regalia e.g. at Walbrook, London and
Carrewburgh, although the rituals of some were eliminated by the early church as
parodying the death and resurrection of Christ. The varied nature of grave-goods (see below) indicates a conscious attempt to
equip the spirit of the deceased for its journey into the underworld, possibly
after a period of confinement to the grave, and whereas some objects of
considerable intrinsic value were interred or burnt on the pyre to judge from
extant remains, the possibility cannot be excluded that the belief was less than
wholehearted, at least in some instances. Among references to the superstitious beliefs in Roman society in the works
of classical authors Alcock cites Heroditus, where Perandius' wife complained
from the otherworld that she was cold because her clothes had not been burned
with her (History v.27) (Alcock 1980). In a late first century grave at Lankhills cemetery, Winchester, the remains
of a meal including a young pig and poultry were recovered, and evidence among
the interments of some weird and outlandish funerary ritual, including
decapitation, suggested to ease entry to the otherworld (Green 1986). It has not
been possible to identify any traces of food or drink in the vessels
accompanying the urns at Otford, but such could well have been destroyed by the
soil conditions, although some instances of vessels having been inverted at
deposition, and one (Group 45) with three vessels standing one within the other,
suggest that these, at least, were empty. On the other hand, an early second
century cremation at Canterbury castle included a samian dish which contained
the remains of a small bird (Bennett et al 1982). It is clear from both surviving inscriptions and the writings of Roman
authors that the religions of the Roman world were abounding in superstition,
and that burial practices were intended to ensure that the spirit of the dead
person did not return to haunt the living (Alcock 1980), a sentiment expressed
by Ovid. The numerous references to the symbolic breaking of grave goods, a
practice traced back as far as the La Tene period (Green 1986), indicate that
the symbolism continued into Roman times, and various authors (e.g. Jessup 1955
and Alcock 1980) point to the Celtic and Roman belief in 'killing the life
spirit' before placing objects in the grave or on the funeral pyre. It is also
possible that sometimes it may have been intended to discourage or prevent
re-use after ritual dedication (Salway 1988). At Portslade, Sussex, associated
with one of the cremation groups in a Roman cemetery, the skull of a
sub-adult/hornless sheep was unearthed, considered to be intended either as
nourishment for the deceased or as a ritual deposit to facilitate entry to the
netherworld by the deceased (Gilkes 1988). Vegetable matter seldom survives in
cremation burials but 'walnut or filbert shells' were noted with cremations in
the wet conditions within the Bekesbourne shaft (Brent 1859). Black draws attention to an apparent development in the scale of provision of
eating and drinking vessels, and suggests that 'the generous provision of
feasting equipment in Welyn-type burials and the lavish multiplication of pots
in first century Romano-British cremations seems to attest a strong belief in
the need for sustenance within the grave. Out of this there seems to emerge
something like a standard set of vessels : cup/beaker, flask/flagon, and
bowl/jar/plate. He goes on to point out that vessels are rarely found after the
mid-fourth century, and postulates that the burial of pots and other containers
appears to have become a customary rather than a religious duty by then, perhaps
earlier (Black 1987). This would tend to reinforce the suggested influence of
Christianity by the fourth century on the inhabitants of Roman Britain, with
rejection of continued earthly needs associated with the doctrine of
resurrection. A possible analogy in modern Chinese (Hong Kong) society is that paper models
of wealth symbols, e.g. houses, cars, and "Hell bank-notes" are burned on
funeral 'pyres' (minus the body) to support the deceased in the afterlife
without detriment to the wealth of the living (personal observation). An
intriguing possibility arises from the foregoing, that a somewhat similar view
was abroad in Roman Otford, suggested by the inclusion of imperfect vessels as
grave-goods (see below). Recent studies have concluded that there is significance in the alignment of
inhumation graves (Kendall 1982) and it is equally possible that there was
relevance to the community in the arrangement of ancillary pots and objects
placed with urns. At the St. Pancras cemetery at Chichester the excavators noted
three instances where the vessels were ‘arranged in a semi-circle with a flagon
or dish opposite and the bones scattered between’ (Down & Rule 1971). However,
at Otford the plough damage and incomplete investigation of the cemetery
diminish the chances of establishing a reliable or even recognisable pattern. At Otford there have been no identifiable graves of infants or small
children, although mortality of such is likely to have been fairly high during
the Roman, as in earlier and later, periods. Numerous burials of infants within
villas e.g. Lullingstone (Meates 1979) farms e.g. Sedgebrook, Plaxtol (Bishop
1990), and temples e.g. Springhead (Penn 1967, Jessup 1970), to quote local
examples, are generally regarded as foundation deposits, and likely to have been
available products of infant mortality rather than human sacrifices (Henig
1984). At King's Wood, Sanderstead, a cemetery was discovered just outside the
entrance to a small farming community extant in the first and second centuries.
It contained five cremation interments of babies and small children and appears
to be exclusive to the young, with a separate cemetery for adults further away
(Little 1961). An excavation trench at Canterbury castle yielded a late first to
early second century cremation group which proved, upon analysis of the bones in
the urn, to be the remains of both a 4/5 year-old child and a 'not elderly'
adult (Bennett et al 1986). A group at St. Pancras with 8 vessels including 2
flagons contained both an iron knife and a baby's feeding bottle, suggesting the
presence of an adult and a child (Down & Rule 1971).
That not all infants were accorded the same burial rites as adults is indicated
by a baby who apparently died at or around birth and was buried in the upper
fill of a rubbish pit at Bullock Down, Sussex (Drewett 1988). The reasons for
this unceremonious concealment must remain a matter for speculation. In a fourth century context at Springhead the excavator interpreted a small
flint-built structure as a mausoleum, having a young child inhumated in its
chalk floor. Adjacent to this he tentatively identified 'a longish tiled feature
(some 7ft. by 2ft.) as a platform for conducting cremations', there being
extensive cracking through heat visible and a number of infant burials and
cremations in proximity. Other interpretations are possible, however, as there
are traces of industrial occupation in the immediate vicinity. A significant
general comment on Springhead is that no adult burial has been found in the
town, which suggests that rules and the boundaries of the town were still being
observed at a late date (Penn 1961). A possible significance is suggested for the placing of shoes in relation to
the cremation urn, akin to that postulated for orientation of inhumations in
cemeteries (Black 1987); at Otford one example (group 34) was noted where a
quantity of badly corroded hob-nails was situated to the north of the urn. A
logical explanation for the presence of footwear (sandals and boots being noted)
is that they were intended to aid the deceased to walk to the underworld. It has
been suggested that in some instances only a few nails were placed in tombs as a
symbolic gesture. A pair of purple shoes was associated with a rich cremation
grave at Springhead (Henig 1984), while at Cirencester a furnace and over 2000
hob-nails were found within a building inside a cemetery conjuring up visions of
a 'dedicated' industry (Salway 1988). Otford produced a few items which may point to a lessening in belief in, or
requirement for, grave-goods even by the mid-second century, although an
alternative explanation, that of poverty, is tenable. The creamware flagon
(group 72) was undoubtedly a kiln waster, having cracked and distorted during
firing to the extent that it could not have held a liquid. It is conceivable
that the crack could have been filled e.g. with clay as a temporary expedient,
but it remains an extremely sub-standard piece. The St. Pancras cemetery
produced 'large numbers of vessels with burials (which) were wasters, and this
could be another example of using a "killed" object for funerary purposes' (Down
& Rule 1971). A samian plate (Dr 31) from Otford (group 31) had been broken and
mended by means of lead rivets, a not unusual repair to samian plates, prior to
its deposition. The significance, if any, of the plate in its repaired state is
not possible to assess, as it is equally likely to have been the
favourite/personal crock of the deceased as to have been placed in the grave for
any other reason. Another samian item, a cup (form Dr 33) from nearby (group 70
) was discovered broken in situ, but on restoration was found to have a piece
missing from its rim, and from its position it is likely that this vessel was
also imperfect when buried. As mentioned above, the supply of libations to the grave both inhumation and
cremation was a part of post-funerary ritual, and in many places throughout the
Roman empire, including Britain, a pipe was constructed to permit the ingress of
food or wine to the grave itself. Lead pipes were sometimes used for this
purpose, as at Caerleon (figure lb), while at Chichester a pipe was constructed
from tiles - imbrices (Down & Rule 1971). The high incidence of flagons with interments has been noted, and a number
have had their tops missing. It is known that at Ostia flagons were deliberately
left with their necks proud of the ground to receive libations, and a similar
suggestion is made for some at Chichester (Down & Rule 1971) although this does
not appear to be the case either at Ospringe (Whiting et al 1931) or at Otford,
where a high proportion of flagons have retained their upper extremities. According to Pliny the Elder (Naturalis historiae xxxv) the majority of
mankind employs earthenware receptacles for this purpose i.e. burial, and
pottery kitchen jars were the most ideal and cheapest containers for cremated
bones and ashes, but other vessels were also used: glass, wood, metal especially
lead, and stone (de la Bedoyere 1989). Indications of wooden boxes or caskets
are common and were found at Otford, Ospringe and St. Pancras, One such, from
Skeleton Green, Braughing, Hertfordshire, is illustrated (figure la). Ospringe
and St. Pancras both provided evidence of glass vessels, unlike Otford, but the
last-named may have contained at least one lead coffin (see below). Most lead
coffins or ash-chests were rectangular, but a cylindrical one containing the
remains of a little girl was discovered at York (Fig. 1c).

Figure 1 a) Reconstruction
of wooden casket having metal fittings and dating from the mid-second century.
Width c30cm.
From a cremation burial at Braughing, Herts, b) Pipe burial with a lead
canister in a tiled cist from which a lead pipe led to
the ground surface. Caerleon. c) Lead canister urn with remains of child and
inscription. York. (after de la Bedoyere 1989).
Pottery lamps
were provided in numerous graves, presumably to either illumine the deceased
during a sojourn in the grave or on the journey to the underworld. Although
present in significant numbers at St. Pancras (36) they do not occur at
either Ospringe or Otford. Jewellery is found in only a
small minority of graves, and Otford is no exception, with only three groups
providing any traces. Perhaps significantly, two out of these were not
furnished with any ancillary vessels. It is clear from the
writings of Roman authors that the Gauls, who were Celts and closely linked
to the British of southern England, had very strong belief in reincarnation,
and Julius Caesar commented that the Druids wished to convince men that
their souls do not perish, but go from one body to another when they die (de
bello Gallico vi), to the extent that they regarded death as unimportant,
the Gauls believing that men's souls are immortal and they return to life
after a prescribed number of years, with the soul entering another physical
body (Diodorus Siculus v 28). Black suggests that Caesar's
comment on the similarity of the customs of the inhabitants of Cantium to
those of Gaul may be taken as a guide to the situation in South-east England
in the mid-first century B.C., by which time cremation seems to have been
the norm. However, his suggestion, following Whimster (Whimster 1981), that
insecurity resulting from Caesar's campaigns may have influenced the change
towards cremation (Black 1987), is only one of a number of possible reasons
for the practice, not the least plausible being changes in theology of the
Celts of Gaul and Br tain. As one authority commented, we actually know less
about the religion of the pagan Celts than certain scholars, past and
present, would have us believe’ (Ross 1967). This is due partly to the
subsequent authority of the Christian church, and partly to the ubiquitous
practice among the pagan Celts of instruction by symbols and enigmas, or
dark allegories, by ancient songs and maxims, orally delivered and in
private, by which they deemed it unlawful to reduce into writing, or to
communicate to any but their own order (Meyrick 1848).
Thus the destruction of the Druidic priesthood caused the loss of
their philosophical traditions, which Ross concluded to have been 'little
different from the priest/shamans of the entire barbarian and later pagan
world concerned with shape-shifting and primitive magic, controlling ritual
and propitiating the treacherous gods with sacrifice’ (Ross 1967).
Pomponius Mela,
writing cA.D.43 records one such maxim, a triad, apparently a form of Celtic
catechism:
"To act bravely in war
That souls are immortal
And that there is another life after death"
-De Situ Orbis. A similar triad is preserved in the writings of the third
century Greek author Diogenes Laertius:
"To worship the Gods
To do no evil
And to exercise fortitude" (Meyrick 1848).
Doubtless many superstitions connected with the natural world are
pre-Christian survivals, and some, such as providing a symbolic coin or
coins in a burial, are directly descended from Roman practices relating to
payment to Charon for the journey by boat to the underworld, and to earlier
Greek and Egyptian beliefs. Black, commenting on the low percentage of
Romano-British graves containing coins (2-6%) and even lower of
cremations (where survival of coins is more doubtful), suggests that the
custom appears not to have been adopted by the Celts in Britain, and, where
found suggests Roman belief and practice (Black 1987).The lack of any trace
of coins at the Otford cemetery, although they occur nearby as field
scatter, reinforces the premise that the graves contain the mortal remains
of people adhering to local traditions, in line with Ross’s conclusion that
'with the imposition of Roman rule and the creation of the Civil Province of
Britain, the south soon settled down under Roman rule and the country people
no doubt continued to live in much the same way as before, with a nominal
respect for the gods of Rome and the dull divinised emperors', and a
continued veneration for the old, proven gods of their own tradition (Ross
1967). A Celtic preoccupation with the human head is
undeniable, with numerous literary allusions to the miraculous survival of
severed heads, e.g. the legend of Bran the Blessed. (G. Jones & T. Jones
(trans.) 1974). Votive offerings of heads, both real and carved, have been
recovered from sacred sites throughout the Celtic world, and a stone doorway
excavated in Roquepertuse, Gaul, was decorated with relief stone-carved
heads interspersed with human skulls rebated into the stonework (Delaney
1986), thus demonstrating the intended visibility of such and thereby adding
weight to the observations made 'in Graeco-Roman literature (Green 1986).
There are ample indications that burial grounds were intended to be
continuing reminders to the living of those who had gone before, hence
cemeteries must have been demarcated in some enduring manner, with either
boundary ditch, posts, hedge, fence or wall. Walled cemeteries and funeral
monuments within walled enclosures are restricted almost entirely to the
South-east, with eight of the fourteen identified being in Kent (Jessup
1970), and the Otford cemetery was provided with one such monument, a
mausoleum, although limitations of excavation have not to date permitted a
search for a boundary. Nonetheless, the proximity to a contemporary trackway
strongly points to the need for some form of delimitation, perhaps a thorn
hedge, if only to keep out wandering cattle. Personal
gravestones or markers may be expected in view of the fairly regular spacing
of the graves in most Roman burial grounds, strongly suggesting that
individual locations were marked for posterity; in no instance at Otford
were graves superimposed as would be likely if markers were absent. Indeed,
the presence of a 'stake-hole' within one of the urns (group 2) might
represent such a grave-marker, but could equally well date from any
subsequent date. However, a small post-hole close to an urn at St. Pancras
(group 146) contained a mass of charcoal which 'may have been the charred
base of a marker post’ (Down & Rule 1971) and the tentative identification
of a simple late-first century cremation grave at Eastwood, Fawkham, as
being marked by a stake (de la Bedoyere 1989), do reinforce the marker
theory. Also, one of the two grave groups at Canterbury castle had 'just to
the north, four tile fragments stacked one upon the other, possibly the base
of a grave marker', these graves being probable survivors from a larger
cremation cemetery destroyed during the building works of the 1950s (Bennett
et al 1982). In addition to cemeteries, Britain has the
remnants of a number of upstanding Roman funerary monuments, the dating of
many of which is obscure. The most numerous class is the round barrow of
which some one hundred are known, and which has an antecedence stretching
back to the Neolithic period. It persisted through the Iron Age, notably in
the great round Belgic barrows at Lexden near Camulodunum, and occurs in
Roman Britain primarily in the South East, where circular conical barrows
are found singly and in groups, notably at Bartlow in Essex, where five
barrows contained wooden chests enclosing cremations and one covered a
tile-built burial cist (Toynbee 1971). At Holborough near
Snodland, a barrow, known locally as Holborough Knob, containing a
particularly richly furnished cremation was excavated in 1954 in advance of
chalk quarrying. The bones were placed in a wooden coffin placed in a grave
over which a puddled chalk dome was erected initially, then enclosed in the
barrow-mound. The funeral pyre was elsewhere, from whence grave goods:
potsherds, fused glass, burnt bones including those of a (?) sacrificed
cockerel, a memorial coin to Antoninus Pius (died A.D.161) depicting a
funerary pyre, and the frame of an iron and bronze folding stool were
brought. The funeral ceremony is deemed to have been conducted from a
temporary shelter and included a libation of resinated wine. An unusual
feature is the insertion of a secondary, infant-female, inhumation with the
coffin decorated with Dyonysiac figures. Stylistically, this dates from the
early third century (Jessup 1955, 1970). A round
barrow at Plaxtol, described as a large hillock with a covering shaw, some
28 ft. in diameter, containing a central inhumation and a number of
secondary Roman cremation groups around the circumference, was grubbed out
in the mid-nineteenth century. At the same time it was concluded that traces
of a foundation nearby represented a wall delineating the cemetery (Luard
1859). A development of the 'earthen barrow' after the
Italian style, is the enclosure of the barrow within a low masonry drum. Of
this type is considered to be a round tomb at Keston with a 3 ft. wide flint
wall without an entrance, having six radiate external buttresses (Fig 2c),
which, besides resisting the outward thrust of the barrow, may have
supported low ornamental pillars (Toynbee 1971). Alongside this was a
rectangular tomb chamber containing a stone coffin (Detsicas 1983), and also
a cremation inside a rectangular lead casket within a tile tomb (Jessup
1970).

Figure 2 a) Otford
mausoleum, b) Lullingstone complex (after Meates 1979). c) Keston tumulus &
tomb. d) Pulborough mausoleum ( after Collingwood & Richmond 1969). e)
Lancing Down temple (after Bedwin 1981). f) Mausoleum Welwyn (after Rook
et al 1984). g) Langley walled cemetery. h) Springhead walled cemetery
(after Detsicas 1983) i) Titsey temple (after Graham 1936).
Introduction
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